The monetary crisis in the United States forced Congress to order the Superintendent of Finance to estimate the public debt, and each executive department to report a comprehensive civil list. The reports were bleak and once again the States began to shuck their duties from funding the Federal government. President Boudinot and the other executive departments were powerless to collect and once again failed to enforce a workable quorum be kept in Congress.

THE CITIZENS OF THE United States, who had scratched out a meager living in much more trying times, were able to scratch out a living despite the depreciating currency. They anxiously anticipated the blessings of peace and had high hopes for times of future financial stability with­out the war looming each day at their doorsteps. The army, however, which had successfully reversed the tide of British victories in 1780 and 81 was about to go unrewarded for its Herculean services. The States were in no position, due to massive War debt, to remit the soldiers their years of back pay let alone amass more liability maintaining a peacetime Army. The United States' only option was to devise a plan of future payment to the armed forces while somehow dismissing large numbers of officers and soldiers. Moreover this had to be accomplished without pay enough to enable them to return home and make ends meat. These were battled hardened men who had spent the prime of their life in serving their country. Almost predictable On March 17th Elias Boudinot received George Washington's report on the army crisis at Newburgh. Ramsay reports on this crisis:

“An attempt was made by anonymous and seditious publications to inflame the minds of the officers and soldiers, and induce them to unite in redressing their own griev­ances, while they had arms in their hands. As soon as General Washington was informed of the nature of these papers, he requested the General and field officers, with one officer from each company, and a proper representation from the staff of the army, to assemble on an early day. He rightly judged that it would be much easier to divert from a wrong to a right path, than to recal fatal and hasty steps, after they had once been taken. The period, pre viously to the meeting of the officers, was improved in preparing them for the adoption of moderate measures.

Gen. Washington sent for one officer after another, and enlarged in private, on the fatal consequences, and particularly on the loss of character to the whole army, which would result from intemperate resolutions. When the officers were convened the commander in chief addressed them in a speech well calculated to calm their mind. He also pledged himself to exert all his abilities and influence in their favor, and requested them to rely on the faith of their country, and conjured them 'as they valued their honor-as they respected the rights of humanity, and as they regarded the military and national character of America, to express their utmost detestation of the man, who was attempting to open the floodgates of civil discord, and deluge their rising empire with blood.' Gen. Washington then retired. The minds of those who had heard him were in such an irritable state, that nothing but their most ardent patriot­ism and his unbounded influence, prevented the proposal of rash resolutions which if adopted, would have sullied the glory of seven years service. No reply whatever was made to the General's Speech. The happy moment was seized, while the minds of the officers soft­ened by the eloquence of their beloved commander, were in a yielding state, and a resolution was unanimously adopted by which they declared 'that no circumstances of distress or danger, should induce a conduct that might tend to sully the reputation and glory they had acquired, that the army continued to have an unshaken confidence, in the justice of Congress and their country. That they viewed with abhorrence and rejected with disdain, the infamous propositions in the late anonymous address to the officers of the army.'

Too much praise cannot be given to Gen. Washington, for the patriotism and decision which marked his conduct, in the whole of this serious transaction. Perhaps in no instance did the United States receive from heaven a more signal deliverance, through the hands of the commander in chief.’

On March the 22nd Congress finally acted a resolve to commute Continental officers' half pay for life to full pay for five years. On March 24th, to save money, they recalled all Continental ships on cruise. Congress spent the remainder of the month debating the report on the public credit and discussing how to best oversee the office of finance.

In April Congress ordered the suspension of enlistments in Continental Army. On the 4th they began debates on the public credit and later revised Continental Currency quotas to ease the monetary crisis. On April 11th President Boudinot signed a cease-fire proclamation stating:

"We have thought fit to make known the same to the citizens of these states; and we hereby strictly charge and command all our officers, both by sea and land, and other subjects of these United States, to forbear all acts of hostility, either by sea or by land, against his Britannic Majesty or his subjects, from and after the respective times agreed upon between their Most Christian and Britannic Majesties, as aforesaid."

On April 15th, after much deliberation on the debt concession to the loyalists, President Boudinot signed the preliminary treaty of peace and a week later authorizes Washington to discharge Continental troops. Robert Morris, with peace assured, sought to leave his office as Superintendent of Finance but on April 28 President Boudinot prevailed upon him to continue until the reduc­tion of the Continental Army is complete. Morris who sought to return to "Morrisania" where his mother's claims against the British under the Treaty amounted to $8,000 pounds agreed to stay on through the military monetary crisis.

On May 1 Elias Boudinot directed the secretary at war to negotiate cease-fire with hostile Native American nations and resolves:

Resolved, That no person or persons, citizens of these United States, or any particular State in the union in their seperate capacity, can or ought to purchase any unappropriated lands belonging to the Indians without the bounds of their respective states, under any pretence whatsoever.

On May 19-20 Boudinot presided over a heated debate of the treaty article requiring the restitu­tion of confiscated loyalist property. On May 26th to avoid the problem of dismissing a standing underpaid Army, furloughs were freely granted to many soldiers with no intention of requesting they return. The soldiers, eager to visit home, disbanded and dispersed all over the thirteen States without any uproar or disorder. The crisis of not paying the Army was averted. Ramsay, in his 1789 account of the incident reports:

“The privates generally betook themselves to labor and crowned the merit of being good soldiers, by becoming good citizens. Several of the American officers, who had been bred mechanics, resumed their trades. In old countries the disbanding a single regiment, even though fully paid, has often produced serious consequences, but in America where arms had been taken up for self defense, they were peaceably laid down as soon as they became unnecessary. As soldiers had been easily and speedily formed in 1775, out of farmers, planters, and mechanics, with equal ease and expe­dition in the year 1783, they dropped their adventitious character, and resumed their former occupations.”

In June Congress decided to deal with Spain, who also presented challenges to this emerging new nation; in June 1783 Boudinot signed this appointment as President of the United States in Congress Assembled:

The United States In Congress Assembled,
To Oliver Pollock Esquire Greeting:
We reposing special trust and confidence in your abilities and integrity have constituted and appointed, and by these presents do constitute and appoint you our commercial agent during our pleasure, at the city and port of Havannah, to manage the occasional concerns of Congress, to assist; the American traders with your advice, and to solicit their affairs with the Spanish Government, and to govern yourself according to the orders you may from time to time receive from the United States in Congress assembled. And that you may effectually execute the office to which you are appointed, we request the Governor, Judges and all other officers of his Catholic Majesty to afford you all countenance and assistance.

In Testimony whereof we have caused the Seal of the United States of America to be hereunto affixed. Witness his Excellency Elias Boudinot, President of the United States in Congress assembled, the second day of June in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty three, and of our Sovereignty and Independence the seventh.”

In July 1783, while President Boudinot and Congress struggled with the treaty, massive debt, a corrupt court system and a host of other ills, dealt what is now a now unfathomable blow to the new democracy. On a sizzling Sunday afternoon several hundred soldiers mutinied and marched from Lancaster to Philadelphia. These men were determined to compelling Congress and the Supreme Council of Pennsylvania to relinquish to their demands of back pay, food and desperately needed supplies. Recruits from the barracks in Philadelphia reinforced the mutineers; as they surrounded the Independence Hall where U.S. Congress and the Supreme Council of Pennsylvania were in session. They soldiers numbered in excess of four hundred.

President Boudinot and the State Assembly called out the Pennsylvania Militia but they failed to come to the government's rescue. The President of the United States, the Unicameral Confederation Congress and Pennsylvania's Executive Council, in the midst of final negotiations with Great Britain for peace, were held captive in Philadelphia's famed Independence Hall. Ramsay writes in 1789 of the mutiny and Congressional hostage situation:

The whole amounting to upwards of 300 men, marched with fixed bayonets and drums, to the statehouse, in which Congress and the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania held their sessions. They placed guards at every door, and sent in a writ­ten message to the President and Council of the state, and threatened to let loose an enraged soldiery upon them, if they were not gratified as to their demand within 20 minutes. The situation of Congress, though they were not the particular object of the soldiers' resentment, was far from being agreeable.

The mutineers demands were made in very dictatorial tones, that

…unless their demand were com-plied with in twenty minutes, they would let in upon them the injured soldiery, the consequences of which they were to abide.

Word was immediately sent to Major General Arthur St. Clair requesting his presence. St. Clair rushed to the rescue and confronted the mutineers carefully noting their demands. The General then went into Independence Hall and reported his findings to the Confederation Congress. After lengthy debate Congress directed General St. Clair:

... to endeavor to march the mutineers to their barracks, and to announce to them that Congress would enter into no deliberation with them; that they must return to Lancaster, and that there, and only there, they would be paid.'

After this, Congress appointed a committee to confer with the executive of Pennsylvania and adjourned:

Saturday, June 21, 1783 - Journals of the Continental Congress: The mutinous soldiers presented themselves, drawn up in the street before the state-house, where Congress had assembled. The executive council of the state, sitting under the same roof, was called on for the proper interposition. President DICKINSON came in, and explained the difficulty, under actual circumstances, of bringing out the militia of the place for the suppression of the mutiny. He thought that, without some outrages on persons or property, the militia could not be relied on. General St. Clair, then in Philadelphia, was sent for, and desired to use his interposition, in order to prevail on the troops to return to the barracks. His report gave no encouragement.

In this posture of things, it was proposed by Mr. IZARD, that Congress should adjourn. It was proposed by Mr. HAMILTON, that General St. Clair, in concert with the executive council of the state, should take order for terminating the mutiny. Mr. REED moved, that the general should endeavor to withdraw the troops by assuring them of the disposition of Congress to do them justice. It was finally agreed, that Congress should remain till the usual hour of adjournment, but without taking any step in relation to the alleged grievances of the soldiers, or any other business whatever. In the mean time, the soldiers remained in their position, without offering any violence, individuals only, occasionally, uttering offensive words, and wantonly pointing their muskets to the windows of the hall of Congress. No danger from premeditated vio­lence was apprehended, but it was observed that spirituous drink, from the tip-pling-houses adjoining, began to be liberally served out to the soldiers, and might lead to hasty excesses. None were committed, however, and, about three o'clock, the usual hour, Congress adjourned; the soldiers, though in some instances offering a mock obstruction, permitting the members to pass through their ranks. They soon afterwards retired themselves to the barracks.”

Thanks to Alexander Hamilton and Arthur St. Clair's ability to reason with the men, President Boudinot and the Congressional members passed through the files of the mutineers without being molested. The committee, with Alexander Hamilton as chairman, waited on the State Executive Council to insure the Government of the United States protection so Congress could convene the following day. Elias Boudinot, however, received no pledge of protection by the Pennsylvania mili­tia and ordered an adjournment of the United States in Congress Assembled on June 24th to Princeton, New Jersey. This was the last time the Confederation Congress would convene in Pennsylvania.

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President Elias Boudinot was now in his home state of New Jersey, and protected by their militia. The President and Congress wasted no time in dealing harshly with the mutineers. On June 30th, the day after Congress's arrival in New Jersey, a resolution was passed ordering General Howe to march fifteen hundred troops to Philadelphia to disarm and arrest the mutineers, who still negotiating with St. Clair and Executive Council.

“That Major General Howe be directed to march such part of the force under his com­mand as he shall judge necessary to the State of Pennsylvania; and that the com­manding officer in the said State he be instructed to apprehend and confine all such persons, belonging to the army, as there is reason to believe instigated the late mutiny; to disarm the remainder; to take, in conjunction with the civil authority, the proper measures to discover and secure all such persons as may have been instrumental therein; and in general to make full examination into all parts of the transaction, and when they have taken the proper steps to report to Congress.”

Before this force could reach Philadelphia, General St. Clair and the Executive Council succeed­ed in quieting the disturbance without bloodshed. The principal leaders were arrested, obedience secured and a trial was set.

The Congressional resolution directing General Howe to move with the troops against the muti­neers affronted General St. Clair. St. Clair regarded it as an attempt to supersede his command and undermine his negotiations. Arthur St. Clair took it upon himself to write Congress a scathing letter, which was answered by Elias Boudinot, President of the United States in Congress Assembled, from Princeton New Jersey:

Arthur St. Clair took it upon himself to write Congress a scathing letter, which was not submitted to the United States in Congress Assembled by President Elias Boudinot. The from Princeton NJ on July 9^th, 1783 responded to General St. Clair with this letter – Courtesy of the Klos Family

“Dear Sir, I duly recd your favor of yesterday but conceiving that you had mistaken the Resolution of Congress, I showed it to Mr. Fitzsimmons and we have agreed not to present it to Congress, till we hear again from you. Congress were so careful to inter­fere one way or the other in the military etiquette, that we recommitted the Resolution to have every thing struck out that should look towards any determination as to the Command, and it was left so that the Commanding officer be him who it might, was to carry the Resolution into Execution; and it can bear no other Construction. If on the second reading you choose your Letter should be read in Congress, it shall

be done without delay …
Elias Boudinot, President

P. S., You may depend on Congress having been perfectly satisfied with your conduct”.

Boudinot undoubtedly trusted St. Clair's judgment and spared him the embarrassment of mak­ing his letter known to Congress. Peace once again reigned. As a result of the mutiny the accused ringleaders were sentenced to death, but were pardoned by Congress in September 1783.

Treaty of Paris - September 3rd, 1783

In an effort to minimize the importance of France in guaranteeing U.S. Independence, David Hartley the British Commissioner agreed to the American suggestion to negotiate a separate treaty without France or Spain. On the morning of September 3rd, 1783 Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and John Jay, met privately with John Hartley in his rooms at the Hotel de York and signed a treaty entitled, "The Definitive Treaty of Peace between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America." The Treaty was immediately dispatched to the United States in Congress Assembled as Article Ten required ratification and the exchange of originals within six months.

Elias Boudinot, under whose term the treaty was initially signed by the commissioners, never have the opportunity to ratify this document as it arrived in America after Thomas Mifflin had been elected President of the United States. Most historians credit Elias Boudinot with the Presidential signing of the Definitive Treaty of Peace but it was actually Thomas Mifflin who ratified the document with King George III in 1784. Other then this little known fact, the treaty was substantially negotiated and completed in its final form under Boudinot's term. For this reason I have decided to provide a brief synopsis of this great event in American History in his chapter.

On the fall of Lord North's ministry in March 1782, Franklin sent a letter to his friend, Lord Shelburne, expressing a hope that peace might soon be made. When the letter reached London, in which Shelburne was then Secretary of State for Home and Colonies, the new Ministry had already been formed. Secretary Shelburne, with the approval of the cabinet, replied by dispatching to Paris an agent to talk with Franklin informally to determine the terms upon which the Americans would make peace. The person chosen for this purpose was Richard Oswald, a Scottish merchant of frank disposition and open-minded views.

In April there were several conversations between Oswald and Franklin. The most noteworthy point Franklin made was that in order to make a durable peace the nations must remove all occa­sions for future quarrel. The line of frontier between New York and Canada was populated by a lawless set of men, who in time of peace would be likely to breed trouble between their respective governments. Franklin articulated that it would be wise for England to cede Canada to the United States. A similar reasoning was also used for Nova Scotia in their initial meetings. The commis­sioner furthered reasoned that by ceding these lands to the United States, it would be possible from their sale, to indemnify the Americans for all losses of private property during the war, and also to make reparation to the Tories whose estates had been confiscated. By pursuing such a pol­icy, England, which had made war on America unjustly, and had wantonly done it great injuries, would achieve not merely peace, but reconciliation with America, and reconciliation, said Franklin, is "a sweet word."

This was an exceptionally bold tone for Franklin to take but he knew that almost every member of the Whig ministry had publicly articulated the opinion that the war against America was unjust and wanton. Benjamin Franklin who was a shrewd hand at a bargain masterfully set his terms sky high. Oswald, surprisingly, seemed to have been convinced by Franklin's reasoning, and expressed neither surprise nor reluctance at the idea of ceding Canada. The main points of this meeting were noted upon a sheet of paper, which Franklin permitted Oswald to take to London and show to Lord Shelburne, first writing upon it an express "declaration" of its informal character.

On receiving this memorandum, Shelburne did not show it to the cabinet, but returned it to Franklin without any immediate answer, after keeping it only one night. Oswald was presently sent back to Paris empowered as commissioner to negotiate with Franklin. Oswald carried Shelburne's answer to the memorandum that desired the cession of Canada addressing Franklin's three main points. The message was terse:

1. By way of reparation. -- Answer: No reparation can be heard of.
2. To prevent future wars. -- Answer: It is to be hoped that some more friendly method will be found.
3. As a fund of indemnification to loyalists. -- Answer: No independence to be acknowledged without their being taken care of.”

Shelburne added that "the Americans would be expected to make some compensation for the surrender of Charleston, Savannah, and the City of New York, still held by British troops."

From this it appears that Shelburne, as well as Franklin, knew how to begin by asking for more than he was likely to ge.. England was no more likely to listen to a proposal for ceding Canada than the Americans were to listen to the suggestion of compensating the British for surrendering New York. There can be little doubt, however, that the bold stand taken by Franklin at the outset, along with the influence he exerted over Oswald, contributed greatly to the dazzling success of the American negotiations.

With the formal appointment of a British Commissioner the negotiations of the initiative passed almost entirely out of Benjamin Franklin's hands as his colleagues, John Jay and John Adams took over the talks with Great Britain. The form that the treaty took was mainly the work of Jay and Adams. The services of Franklin were chiefly valuable at the beginning, and again, to some extent, at the end of the negotiations.

There were two grave difficulties in making a treaty. The first was that France was really hostile to the American claims. France sought to see the country between the Alleghenies and the Mississippi divided between England and Spain. France had hoped that England would have the region north of the Ohio, and the region south of it to remain an Indian territory under the pro­tectorate of Spain. The French were only willing to concede a narrow strip on the western slope of the Alleghenies, over which the United States would be permitted to excise protectorship. In other words, France wished to confine the United States to east of the Ohio River and prevent U.S. expansion westward into what would be later known as the Northwest Territory. France also sought to exclude the United States from all shares in the great North Atlantic fisheries, in hopes of preventing the new nation from becoming a great naval power. France was an ally only up to these points and this antagonism of interests made joint negotiations extremely difficult.

The second difficulty was the unwillingness of the British government to acknowledge the inde­pendence of the United States as a condition that must precede all negotiation. The Americans remained firm upon this point, as they had insisted on it ever since the Staten Island conference in 1776. England was determined, however, to withhold the recognition long enough so they could utilize it as a bargaining chip in the negotiations. This difficulty was enhanced by the fact that, if this point were conceded, it would transfer the conduct of the treaty from the colonial sec­retary, Shelburne, to the Foreign Secretary Charles James Fox. These two British politicians not only differed widely in their views of the situation, but were personally bitter enemies.

Presently Fox heard of the private memorandum that Shelburne had received from Franklin but had not shown it to the cabinet. Fox concluded, quite wrongly, that Shelburne was playing a secret part for purposes of his own. Accordingly, Secretary Fox made up his mind to utilize all the polit­ical means necessary to get the American negotiations transferred to his own department. In the cabinet meeting, on the last day of June, Secretary Fox moved that the independence of the United States should be unconditionally acknowledged by Great Britain. This way, he argued, England could treat the United States as a foreign power. The motion was lost, and Fox prepared to resign his office. As fate would have it, the very next day the death of Lord Rockingham broke up the ministry. Lord Shelburne now became Prime Minister and this fact coupled with two British Naval Victories simplified the problem of separating the French from the negotiations. In April the French fleet under the command of Admiral De Grasse, who blocked the naval relief of Cornwallis at Yorktown nine months earlier, was annihilated by British Admiral Rodney in the West Indies. In September this victory was followed by the total defeat of the combined French and Spanish forces at Gibraltar. This seriously altered Treaty negotiations with the United States as France and Spain were in no longer in a position to challenge Britain's superior naval force.

England, though stalemated in America, was victorious over France and Spain who were the U.S.'s most important allies. The acknowledged object, for which France had entered into alliance with the Americans, was to secure the independence of the United States. With Victory at Yorktown and a war weary British public this point was now substantially gained by France. The chief object for which Spain had entered into alliance with France was to drive the English from Gibraltar, and this point was now decidedly lost. France had bound herself not to desist from the war until Spain should recover Gibraltar. With the combined naval defeats there was now little hope of accom­plishing this, except by some fortunate bargain in the treaty.

French Foreign Minister Vergennes now tried to satisfy Spain at the expense of the United States. He sent a secret envoy under an assumed name to Prime Minister Shelburne seeking the development of a plan for dividing the Mississippi valley between England and Spain. This was discovered by John Jay, who counteracted it by sending a messenger of his own to Lord Shelburn. The British Prime Minister instantly recognized that a rift had arisen between the allies.

It now became strikingly clear that it would be to the advantage of England and the United States to carry on their negotiations without the intervention of France. England had always preferred to make concessions to the Americans rather than to the house of Bourbon while the United States wanted control of the Northwest Territory which was being blocked by France. The Prime Minister understood that by first detaching the U.S. from the unholy alliance, Britain could pro­ceed to cudgel France and Spain out of expanding their empires in America. There was, howev­er, an obstacle in the way of a separate negotiation. The chevalier Luzerne, the French minister at Philadelphia, had been busy with the U.S. Congress President Boudinot, by order of Congress, had sent instructions to the commissioners at Paris to be guided in all things by the wishes of the French court. Former Continental Congress President John Jay, upon receiving these orders, was adamant against including France into the negotiations. After making a case to his fellow com­missioners that the Presidential directive should be ignored, John Adams wisely sided John Jay despite Franklin's insistence they remain bound to the resolution. Together the two commission­ers overruled Benjamin Franklin and agreed to take all the responsibility for blatantly disregard­ing these instructions. The provisions of the treaty, so marvelously favorable to the Americans, were set by John Jay and John Adams in separate negotiations with England.

In the arrangement of the provisions, Benjamin Franklin played an important part, especially in driving the British commissioners from their position with regard to the compensation of loyalists. After a long struggle upon this point, Franklin observed that, "if the loyalists were to be indemni­fied, it would be necessary also to reckon up the damage they had done in burning villages and shipping, and then strike a balance between the two accounts" and he grimly suggested that a special commission might be appointed for this purpose.

It was now getting late in the autumn of 1783 and Shelburne felt it to be a political necessity to bring the negotiation to an end before the assembling of parliament. At the prospect of endless discussion, which Franklin's special commission proposal involved, the British commissioners gave way and accepted the American terms. It was now up to Franklin to lay the matter before French Foreign Minister in such a manner to avoid a fracture of the cordial relations between America and France. It was a delicate matter as dealing separately with the English government, the Americans laid themselves open to the charge of having committed a breach of diplomatic cour­tesy and complete disregard to the direct orders of The President of the United States and Congress Assembled. Benjamin Franklin managed the disclosure of the Treaty to the French with entire success.

On the part of the Americans the Treaty of 1783 is still hailed as one of the most brilliant tri­umphs in the whole history of modern diplomacy. Had the affair been managed by men of every­day ability, the greatest results of the war would probably have been lost. The new republic would have been cooped up between the Atlantic and the Alleghenies. A national westward expansion would have been impossible without further warfare with England. Most importantly, the forma­tion of a Federal Republic with no opportunity for territorial expansion would have muted many of the voices who formed the constitutional convention in 1787.

To the grand triumph the wide-ranging talents of Franklin, Adams, and Jay equally contributed to the accomplishments of the treaty. To John Jay is due the credit of detecting and baffling the sin­ister designs of France and persuading John Adams to contradict the orders of the President and Congress. Without the tact of Franklin, however, this probably could not have been accomplished without offending France who could have easily vetoed the Treaty by the rattling her military saber. The United States now had her Independence from a treaty that begins "In the name of the most Holy and undivided Trinity." and they, despite the 21st Century secular view, were not Jay, Franklin and Adams. Clearly the "Father, Son and the Holy Ghost," the Trintiy that all parties agreed were spiritually involved in "The Definitive Treaty of Peace between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America." smiled upon the fortunes of every American generation since 1783.

Boudinot's Congress, believing that the treaty would soon be finalized in Paris according to their instructions, turned to the business of disbanding the standing United States Army in early Fall of 1783. On September 24 they adopted a secret order authorizing Washington to discharge Continental troops which was entered only in the journal kept by the Secretary of Congress for the Superintendent of Finance

"That the Commander in Chief be authorized to discharge such parts of the Federal Army now in Service as Secret he shall deem proper and expedient. And that he direct Secret that necessary Clothing be immediately provided for those that may be longer retained in Service."

It is important to note here that the order states "Federal Army" a term used in the Journals, by my recordings, 18 times. This Federal Army answerable to the United States in Congress Assembled that was the federal government formed by the Articles of Confederation. The term "federal government" is utilized by the United States in Congress Assembled at least 55 times in their Journals. The term "federal constitution" was also coined and utilized 17 times including with­in the resolution ordering the conference to revise the Articles of Confederation. This conference resulted, of course, in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. Paradoxically the "number one" rea­son my detractors utilize when dismissing Elias Boudinot and the 9 other patriots as President of the United States is that there was no federal government before the constitution. They claim "the United States was merely an alliance of 13 independent states." I sincerely hope, by this point in the book, you realize how ridiculous that argument truly is when utilized to defend George Washington's standing as the "First U.S. President" and Delaware as the "First State."

First Page of The Definitive Treaty of Peace between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America that begins, “In the name of the most holy and undivided Trinity.” --- Courtesy of the National Archives

Now back in New Jersey on October 6th through the 9th, 1783 Congress remained in a heated debate over the location of the federal capital. On October the 8th the discussions died out when they received a Quaker petition for the suppression of the slave trade. On October 19th President Boudinot and Congress issued a proclamation, in which the armies of the United States were finally recognized under the name of the “Supreme Ruler”:

By the United States in Congress assembled.

A PROCLAMATION

Whereas it hath pleased the Supreme Ruler of all human events, to dispose the hearts of the late belligerent powers to put a period to the effusion of human blood, by proclaiming a cessation of all hostilities by sea and land, and these United States are not only happily rescued from the dangers distresses and calamities which they have so long and so magnanimously sustained to which they have been so long exposed, but their freedom, sovereignty and independence ultimately acknowledged by the king of Great Britain. And whereas in the progress of a contest on which the most essential rights of human nature depended, the interposition of Divine Providence in our favour hath been most abundantly and most graciously manifested, and the citizens of these United States have every possible reason for praise and gratitude to the God of their salvation. Impressed, there­fore, with an exalted sense of the magnitude of the blessings by which we are surrounded, and of our entire dependence on that Almighty Being, from whose goodness and bounty they are derived, the United States in Congress assembled do recommend it to the several States, to set apart the second Thursday in December next, as a day of public thanksgiv­ing, that all the people may then assemble to celebrate with one voice grateful hearts and united voices, the praises of their Supreme and all bountiful Benefactor, for his numberless favors and mercies. That he hath been pleased to conduct us in safety through all the perils and vicissitudes of the war; that he hath given us unanimity and resolution to adhere to our just rights; that he hath raised up a powerful ally to assist us in supporting them, and hath so far crowned our united efforts with success, that in the course of the present year, hostilities have ceased, and we are left in the undisputed possession of our liberties and independence, and of the fruits of our own land, and in the free participation of the treasures of the sea; that he hath prospered the labour of our husbandmen with plentiful harvests; and above all, that he hath been pleased to continue to us the light of the blessed gospel, and secured to us in the fullest extent the rights of conscience in faith and worship. And while our hearts overflow with gratitude, and our lips set forth the praises of our great Creator, that we also offer up fervent supplications, that it may please him to pardon all our offences, to give wisdom and unanimity to our public councils, to cement all our citizens in the bonds of affection, and to inspire them with an earnest regard for the national honor and interest, to enable them to improve the days of prosperity by every good work, and to be lovers of peace and tranquillity; that he may be pleased to bless us in our husbandry, our commerce and navigation; to smile upon our seminaries and means of education, to cause pure religion and virtue to flourish, to give peace to all nations, and to fill the world with his glory.

Done by the United States in Congress assembled, witness his Excellency Elias Boudinot, our President, this 18th day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hun­dred and eighty-three, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America the eighth.^”

On the day preceding their dismissing the army, General Washington issued his farewell orders, in the most endearing language. After giving them his advice respecting their future conduct, and bidding them an affectionate farewell, he concluded with these words:

"May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of Heaven's favours, both here and hereafter, attend those, who under the divine auspices have secured innu­merable blessings for others. With these wishes, and this benediction, the command­er in chief is about to retire from service; the curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene, to him, will be closed forever."

With a great strain on the federal government's treasury Congress managed four months wages towards, on average, four years of back pay due the army. The example of George Washington and this Congressional payment to the troops, though a trifling 10% of the monies due, enabled these brave men to peacefully disburse into all 13 states. The Commander-in-Chief, as stated when he took command eight years earlier, sought and accepted no compensation for his services during the revolutionary war effort.

The term of President Boudinot was now at an end needing only to address, once again, postal theft and executing another resolution to call on improving Delegate attendance. The Chronology of Boudinot's presidency is as follows:

November 4 Convenes new Congress; elects Elias Boudinot president. November 7 Orders Washington to free Charles Asgill. November 8 Requests British officials to continue investigation of the death of Joshua Huddy. November 12 Renews appointment of Thomas Jefferson as peace commissioner. November 14 Debates report on Vermont's seizure of New York citizens. November 18 Appoints Thomas Barclay commissioner to settle the accounts of Continental officials abroad. November 19 Adopts new rules for carrying out the reorganization of the Continental Army. November 20 Debates Pennsylvania petitions on providing for the state's public creditors. November 21 Debates salaries of officials abroad. November 25-26 Debates propriety of exchanging Henry Laurens for Earl Cornwallis. November 27 Orders seizure of two Vermonters reported to be in correspondence with the enemy.

December 3 Accepts resignation of secretary for foreign affairs. December 4 Grants John Paul Jones' request to serve with French navy. December 5 Censures Vermont officials; appoints appeals court judges. December 6 Directs superintendent of finance to exhort states to comply with fiscal quotas; appoints deputation to go to Rhode Island to secure ratification of impost amendment. December 11 Authorizes hiring out of prisoners of war. December 12 Receives Rhode Island explanation of rejection of impost amendment. December 13 David Howell acknowledges authorship of published letter violating congressional secrecy rules. December 16 Adopts response to Rhode Island's rejection of impost amendment. December 17 Reaffirms determination to send deputation to Rhode Island. December 21 Postpones resignation of secretary for foreign affairs; grants secretary leave of absence. December 24 Amends Post Office ordinance to extend franking privilege. December 25-26 Observes Christmas. December 31 Instructs peace commissioners to seek commercial reciprocity with Britain.

1783-- January 1 & 2 Thanks France for military aid and naval protection. January 3 Records Trenton trial decree in Connecticut Pennsylvania boundary dispute (first settlement of interstate dispute under Articles of Confederation) January 6 Receives army petition on pay arrears; appoints committees to inquire into the management of the executive departments. January 7 Debates setting exchange rate for redeeming old Continental emissions. January 10 Learns that superintendent of finance has over drawn bills of exchange on "the known funds procured in Europe"; army deputation meets with grand committee on Continental Army grievances. January 13 Debates expediency of negotiating additional foreign loans. January 14 Acquiesces in Rhode Island delegates' request to share intelligence from abroad with state's officials; debates land valuation formula in grand committee. January 17 Thanks General Greene and the southern army; declares inexpediency of seeking additional foreign loans. January 21 Receives U.S.-Dutch treaty negotiated by John Adams. January 22 Ratifies Franco-American contract negotiated by Benjamin Franklin. January 23 Ratifies Dutch treaty. January 24 Orders investigation of abuses of flag of truce by the Amazon; rejects report recommending establishment of a library for Congress. January 25 Directs the superintendent of finance to pay the Continental Army. January 27-31 Debates proposals for funding the public debt. January 30 Rejects Pennsylvania proposal to pay interest due on Continental securities owned by its own citizens.

February 4 Receives Vermont remonstrance against threatened Continental intervention. February 4-8 Debates proposals for funding the public debt and setting state quotas. February 10-14 Debates proposals for funding the public debt and setting state quotas. February 17 Adopts plan to appoint commissioners for estimating land values and setting state quotas. February 18 Orders superintendent of finance to estimate the public debt, and each executive department to report a comprehensive civil list. February 21 Exhorts states to maintain their representation in Congress. February 25-28 Debates proposals for commutation of Continental officers' half pay.

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